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US manual of elite target analysis, produced in 1953 but only published in 2000, describing the US policy of focusing propaganda on "priority targets" in the elite of other countries. This may explain how some people seem to be "got at" and change their views on issues such as globalisation once they reach positions of power.
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The Secret Team by Col. L. Fletcher Prouty in rich text ZIP file
The Secret Team by Col. L. Fletcher Prouty in plain text ZIP file
The Secret Team by Col L. Fletcher Prouty as interconnecting html files
Preface to the First Edition
Preface to the Second Edition
Preface to the Third Edition
Chapter 1 - The "Secret Team" - The Real Power Structure
Chapter 2 - The Nature of Secret Team Activity: A Cuban Case Study
Chapter 3 - An Overview of the
Section I - Intelligence versus Secret Operations
Section II - Origins of the Agency and the Seeds of Secret Operations
Section III - A Simple Coup d'Etat to a Global Mechanism
Chapter 4 - From the Word of the Law to the Interpretation: President Kennedy Attempts to Put the CIA Under Control
Chapter 5 - "Defense" as a National Military Philosophy, the Natural Prey of the Intelligence Community
Chapter 6 -
"It Shall Be the Duty of the Agency: to Advise, to Coordinate, to Correlate
and Evaluate and Disseminate and to Perform Services of Common Concern..."
Section I - Coordination of Intelligence - the Major Assigned Role of the CIA
Section II - Correlation, Evaluation and Dissemination of Intelligence: Heart of the Profession
Section III - Services of Common Concern: An Attempt at Efficiency
Chapter 7 - From the Pines of Maine to the Birches of Russia: The Nature of Clandestine Operations
Chapter 8 - CIA: The "Cover Story" Intelligence Agency and the Real-Life Clandestine Operator
Chapter 9 - The Coincidence of Crises
Chapter 10 The Dulles-Jackson-Correa Report in Action
Chapter 11 - The Dulles Era Begins
Chapter 12 - Personnel: The Chameleon Game
Chapter 13 - Communications: The Web of the World
Chapter 14 - Transportation: Anywhere in the World - Now
Chapter 15 - Logistics by Miracle
Chapter 16 - Cold War: The Pyrrhic Gambit
Chapter 17 - Mission Astray, Soviet Gamesmanship
Chapter 18 - Defense, Containment, and Anti-Communism
Chapter 19 - The New Doctrine: Special Forces and the Penetration of the Mutual Security Program
Chapter 20 - Krushchev's Challenge: The U-2 Dilemma
Chapter 21 - Time of Covert Action: U-2 to the Kennedy Inaugural
Chapter 22 - Camelot: From the Bay of Pigs to Dallas, Texas
Chapter 23 - Five Presidents: "Nightmares We Inherited"
L. FLETCHER PROUTY 2003 ISBN 967-69-0495-3
. . . to Len Osanic and all at Bandit Productions for bringing all my work back to life. . . . to Patrick Fourmy, Dave Ratcliffe and Tom Davis, old friends who have insisted I revise and re-write this old "classic". . . . to Bill Mullan, Charlie Czapar, Bill Peters, and Dave Fleming, who worked with me in the Pentagon during the fifties, for those fascinating years with "Team B" in Headquarters, U.S. Air Force. . . . to Charles Peters of The Washington Monthly for publishing the first "Secret Team" article, and Derek Shearer for breathing the whole concept into life. . . . to General Graves B. (the big "E") Erskine and General Victor H. ("Brute") Krulak, both of the U. S. Marine Corps, my immediate "bosses" and good friends, in the Office of the Secretary of Defense and in the Office of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, for close personal relationships that shaped the course of these events. . . . and to the hundreds of men with whom I shared these experiences and who must remain nameless and silent because that is the "code" of their chosen profession.
After I had given the manuscript of the original draft of this book to my editor at Prentice- Hall, in 1972; and had received the galley proof of the first edition back from him, he called me to suggest that I keep it in a safe place at all times. He told me that his home had been broken into the night before, and he suspected it was an attempt to steal his copy of that galley proof. He said, "They didn't get it. It was under the seat of the Volkswagon." A few days later a nationwide release by the well-known Washington columnist, Jack Anderson, appeared across the country, "Book Bares CIA's Dirty Tricks".
In that column, Anderson reported that the CIA had contacted a well-known bookstore in Washington and asked one of the employees to see if he could get a copy of the galley from me, and agreed to pay him $500, if he did. I agreed to meet him at my home that evening. I suspected his call, but invited him anyway. In the meantime I set up a tape recorder in the umbrella stand near my front door and arranged for it to turn on when I switched on the overhead on the front porch. With that arrangement, I recorded the whole visit including his final burst, "They promised me $500.00, if I got that galley proof." I took that tape to Anderson, and it was the basis of his March 6, 1973 column.
The underground attack didn't quit there. After excellent early sales of The Secret Team during which Prentice Hall printed three editions of the book, and it had received more than 100 favorable reviews, I was invited to meet Ian Ballantine, the founder of Ballantine Books. He told me that he liked the book and would publish 100,000 copies in paperback as soon as he could complete the deal with Prentice-Hall. Soon there were 100,000 paperbacks in bookstores all around the country. Then one day a business associate in Seattle called to tell me that the bookstore next to his office building had had a window full of books the day before, and none the day of his call. They claimed they had never had the book. I called other associates around the country. I got the same story from all over the country. The paperback had vanished. At the same time I learned that Mr. Ballantine had sold his company. I travelled to New York to visit the new "Ballantine Books" president. He professed to know nothing about me, and my book. That was the end of that surge of publication. For some unknown reason Prentice-Hall was out of my book also. It became an extinct species. Coincidental to that, I received a letter from a Member of Parliament in Canberra, Australia, who wrote that he had been in England recently visiting in the home of a friend who was a Member of the British Parliament. While there, he discovered The Secret Team on a coffee table and during odd hours had begun to read it. Upon return to Canberra he sent his clerk to get him a copy of the book.
Not finding it in the stores, the clerk had gone to the Customs Office where he learned that 3,500 copies of The Secret Team had arrived, and on that same date had been purchased by a Colonel from the Royal Australian Army.
The book was dead everywhere. The campaign to kill the book was nationwide and world-wide. It was removed from the Library of Congress and from College libraries as letters I received attested all too frequently. That was twenty years ago. Today
I have been asked to rewrite the book and bring it up to date. Those who have the book speak highly of it, and those who do not have it have been asking for it. With that incentive, I have begun from page one to bring it up to date and to provide information that I have learned since my first manuscript. In the beginning, this book was based upon my unusual experience in the Pentagon during 1955-1964 and the concept of the book jtself was the outgrowth of a series of luncheon conversations, 1969-1970, with my friends Bob Myers, Publisher of the New Republic, Charlie Peters, founder of The Washington Monthly, and Ben Schemmer, editor and publisher of the Armed Forces Journal, and Derek Shearer. They were all experienced in the ways and games played in Washington, and they tagged my stories those of a "Secret Team." This idea grew and was polished during many subsequent luncheons. After my retirement from the Air Force, 1964, I moved from an office in the Joint Chiefs of Staff area of the Pentagon to become Manager of the Branch Bank on the Concourse of that great building. This was an interesting move for many reasons, not the least of which was that it kept me in business and social contact with many of the men I had met and worked with during my nine years of Air Force duties in that building. It kept me up-to-date with the old "fun-and-games" gang. After graduating from the Graduate School of Banking, University of Wisconsin, I transfered to a bank in Washington where in the course of business I met Ben Schemmer. He needed a loan that would enable him to acquire the old Armed Forces Journal. During that business process I met two of Ben's friends Bob Myers and Charlie Peters. We spent many most enjoyable business luncheons together. This is where "The Secret Team" emerged from a pattern of ideas to a manuscript.
As they heard my stories about my work with the CIA, and especially about the role of the military in support of the world-wide, clandestine operations of the CIA, they urged me to write about those fascinating nine years of a 23-year military career. During the Spring of 1970 I put an article together that we agreed to call "The Secret Team", and Charlie
Peters published it in the May 1970 issue of The Washington Monthly. Before I had seen the published article myself, two editors of major publishers in New York called me and asked for appointments. I met with both, and agreed to accept the offer to write a book of the same name, and same concept of The Secret Team from Bram Cavin, Senior Editor with Prentice-Hall. After all but finishing the manuscript, with my inexperienced typing of some 440 pages, I sat down to a Sunday breakfast on June 13, 1971 and saw the headlines of the New York Times with its publication of the "purloined" Pentagon Papers. [Any reader of the "Pentagon Papers" should be warned that although they were commissioned on June 17, 1967, by the Secretary of Defense as "the history of United States involvement in Vietnam from World War II [Sept 2, 1945] to the present" , they are unreliable, inaccurate and marred by serious omissions. They are a contrived history, at best, even though they were written by a selected Task Force under Pentagon leadership.]
One of the first excerpts from those papers was a TOP SECRET document that I had worked on in late 1963. Then I found more of the same. With that, I knew that I could vastly improve what I had been writing by making use of that hoard of classified material that "Daniel Ellsberg had left on the doorstep of the Times," and other papers. Up until that time I had deliberately avoided the use of some of my old records and copies of highly classified documents. The publication of the Pentagon Papers changed all that. They were now in the public domain. I decided to call my editor and tell him what we had with the "Pentagon Papers" and to ask for more time to re-write my manuscript. He agreed without hesitation. From that time on I began my "Doctorate" course in, a) book publishing and, b) book annihilation. As we see, by some time in 1975 The Secret Team was extinct; but unlike the dinosaur and others, it did not even leave its footprints in the sands of time. There may be some forty to fifty thousand copies on private book shelves. A letter from a professor informed me that his department had ordered more than forty of the books to be kept on the shelves of his university library for assignment purposes. At the start of the new school year his students reported that the books were not on the shelves and the registry cards were not in the master file. The librarians informed them that the book did not exist. With that letter in mind, I dropped into the Library of Congress to see if The Secret Team was on the shelves where I had seen it earlier. It was not, and it was not even in that library's master file. It is now an official non-book. I was a writer whose book had been cancelled by a major publisher and a major paperback publisher under the persuasive hand of the CIA. Now, after more than twenty years the flames of censorship still sweep across the land. Despite that, here we go again with a new revised edition of The Secret Team.
Wednesday, 23 October, 2002, 11:24 GMT 12:24 UK
The family of a woman killed by a police informer have been told by three senior judges they can sue the Metropolitan Police and Home Office.
Delroy Denton, a so-called "Yardie" gangster, was jailed for life in July 1996 for the murder of 24-year-old Marcia Lawes in London in 1995.
At the time Denton was a paid informer on the books of SO11, Scotland Yard's criminal intelligence division.
The decision on Wednesday by Lord Justice Sedley overturns a Central London County Court judge who struck out the family's claim.
The family says Denton was known to be dangerous and that by allowing him to roam free the police and Home Office were acting unlawfully.
After the hearing Sadiq Khan, the solicitor representing the victim's family, said: "We welcome this landmark decision.
"The police cannot use the community as a dumping ground for criminals.
"The police and immigration service allowed this very dangerous criminal to remain at large, which resulted in serious crimes being committed prior to Marcia being murdered.
"The police and Home Office have added insult to injury by trying to escape liability."
He said this was the first case where the police and Home Office were being sued for failure to protect members of the public from dangerous criminals.
Delroy Denton was jailed for life in July 1996
Mr Khan said the family would be seeking a seven figure sum in damages.
Monday, 21 October, 2002, 19:12 GMT 20:12 UK
A pilot accused of smuggling £22 million worth of cocaine into Britain told a jury that he had been working for an "arm of the CIA" when he was arrested. Christopher Barrett-Jolley, 55, was held by customs officers after flying a Boeing 707 into Southend Airport, Essex, in October 2001.
Six suitcases packed with cocaine were dropped from the plane as it taxied along the runway, Basildon Crown Court heard. Customs officers were lying in wait after a tip off and arrested Mr Barrett-Jolley, of Wellington, Somerset, and two other people on board the plane, jurors were told.
The jury heard that the plane began its journey in Eastern Europe and had then flown to Montego Bay in Jamaica. It was returning from the West Indies when it landed at Southend.
Mr Barrett-Jolley, a freelance pilot who has been flying for nearly 40 years, told the court that he was not involved in drug smuggling.
He said he had no knowledge of unlawful drugs being on board the aircraft and that he was not aware of suitcases being thrown on to the runway.
Mr Barrett-Jolley said the 707 had been chartered by a company called Air America which was an "arm of the CIA".
"I was instructed to take the aircraft and crew to Montego Bay and await further instructions," said Mr Barrett-Jolley.
On the journey back to Eastern Europe the plane had developed technical problems and Mr Barrett-Jolley said he had decided to divert to Southend for repairs.
"The aircraft had a number of quite serious technical problems," he said. "I (decided to) take the aircraft to the UK for maintenance."
Mr Barrett-Jolley, his brother-in-law Peter Carine, 55, of Hensall, North Yorkshire; XXXXXX XXXXXXXX, XX, of XXXXXXXXX, Cheshire and Martin Lake, 61, of Storrington, Sussex, all deny smuggling more than 270 kilos of cocaine into the UK.
The hearing continues
By Severin Carrell - London Independent - 13 January 2002 http://www.independent.co.uk/story.jsp?story=114243
The CIA has recruited British defence and hi-tech companies in an attempt to acquire the latest technology for its spying missions and intelligence- gathering.
The British firms, including the mobile-phone company Hutchison 3G and aerospace contractor BAE Systems, are helping the CIA to develop sophisticated map reading, 3-D mapping and computer communications techniques.
In conflicts such as the war in Afghanistan, these projects would potentially allow CIA agents in the war zone to translate an obscure reference to a building, village or cave into a 3-D photo-realistic map of the area via laptops and satellite phones.
One project funded by the CIA uses raw data provided by the Ordnance Survey based on its digital maps of the UK, sparking criticism from MPs.
One Labour MP said the projects raised major questions about whether these relationships were in Britain's interests. Alan Simpson, a senior member of the left-wing Campaign group of backbenchers, said: "Where does this take the CIA? If we're giving them the ability to plot grid references to any house in Britain, it raises fundamental questions about whether this is in the national interest."
The CIA, the world's largest and most powerful intelligence agency, has been under immense pressure to catch up with the rapid developments and spread of computer and internet technology over the past decade. Its directors admit that the size and reach of the internet has left it struggling to catch up. In 1999, it set up a unique private company called In- Q-Tel to invest about $30m a year in hi-tech companies and research projects.
"We make investments in companies where we have a strategic interest in the technology," a spokeswoman said.
Five British firms have become collaborators or contractors for In-Q-Tel through a US-dominated alliance of more than 220 private companies, government agencies and universities called the Open GIS Consortium (OGC) to develop common technological standards for computers.
In one project overseen by OGC, Hutchison 3G is a partner with In-Q-Tel and five US firms to design a system which allows wireless links between computers. The mobile-phone company Vodaphone is a contractor and the British companies Laser- Scan and its owner, Yeoman Group, have become observers in the project.
In another project, In-Q-Tel has hired a division of BAE Systems and Laser-Scan, which makes digital and internet maps, to develop ways of linking geographical data from separate sources a technique known as inter-operability. This project uses Ordnance Survey data.
Laser-Scan is also involved with the Military Mapping Project, where the CIA and US Army is developing further sophisticated 3-D mapping techniques, such as sending them via the internet, in a restricted project also overseen by OGC.
British companies appear to have avoided the most controversial projects funded by In-Q-Tel. One US firm called SafeWeb had been paid to give the CIA the ability to snoop on internet web sites without being detected.
All the companies and agencies involved insisted the projects were above board, and Ordnance Survey stressed that its data was used simply for research purposes.
In-Q-Tel denied that it required its contractors to sign secrecy deals with the CIA, or expected to control the results of its projects with OGC.
FTW INTERVIEW: DELMART MIKE VREELAND www.copvcia.com
What the CIA Doesnt Want You to Know by Michael C. Ruppert [Ed. Note: Just prior to the publication of this article the FTW web site was hacked for the second time in a month. This hacking -- accomplished via sophisticated methods -- has been apparently intended to prevent us from publishing the following interview. As a temporary emergency measure ONLY please direct emergency e-mail correspondence to firstname.lastname@example.org. FTW will be back up! and running in an even more secure manner in the near future.-- MCR] April 4, 2002, 1:00 PM PST (FTW) -- If all of its dark alleys were explored, the case of Delmart Edward Joseph Mike Vreeland is one which is worthy of a book that would rival War and Peace. It is a case that has sparked zealous attacks on FTW and me personally, and one which has seriously disturbed many officials in Washington. These attacks are an indication of the threat Vreeland poses to the credibility of the U.S. government. Only one question of any relevance exists. How was this man able to write details that described the events of Sept. 11 while locked in a jail cell, ! more than a month before the attacks occurred? It matters little to a housewife in Kansas if Mike Vreeland has a very confusing criminal arrest record -- some of it very contradictory and apparently fabricated -- for a variety of petty criminal offenses including fraud. But it may be a matter of the gravest importance for the same housewife if this man knew accurate information about the attacks, tried to warn both the U.S. and Canadian governments about them, and was ignored. If a crazy man runs up to you on the street and says that a house is on fire with children trapped inside, and you smell smoke, who is the crazy one if you decide not to investigate? The U.S. Navy says that Vreeland, arrested in Canada on Dec. 4, 2000 and currently fighting a U.S. extradition warrant, was discharged for unsatisfactory performance after only four months of service in 1986. But a growing pile of evidence, much of it filed in court records and undisputed by Canadian or U.S. authorities, establishes clearly that Vreeland was exactly what he says he was -- a spy. In three previous stories, FTW has described how his military records, acknowledged to be in excess of 1,200 pages, have been tampered with. We have described how, in open court on a speakerphone, his lawyers obtained direct confirmation from the Pentagon that he was a Navy officer. We have also reported that, as of March 14, all Canadian charges against Vreeland were dismissed. He was released on bail and also granted temporary refugee status by the Canadian government until his battle to beat the U.S. extradition request is settled. Something that Canadian authorities have never disputed is that Vreeland wrote his ominous and hastily scribbled warning a full month before the attacks, and that the warning was sealed away by his keepers, beyond his reach, until Sept. 14, three days after the attacks. If he loses his extradition fight, both Vreeland and his attorneys believe that his assassination will occur within days of his return to U.S. soil. Mike Vreeland is not a saint. Covert operatives are not made from such material, and governments do not recruit or screen candidates for saintly qualities. By his own admission in Canadian court documents and in several conversations with FTW, Vreeland says he has done bad things. He has been on probation for petty offenses, and he has behaved the way covert operatives behave in the real world -- not in Hollywood. I have been studying, interacting with, and talking to covert operatives for more than 25 years. It is for that reason that I avoid some of the questions being raised by dilettantes and neophyte journalists who take all of the threads of Vreelands stories and run with them into a wilderness from which no professional journalist could credibly emerge. Yes, I have listened to him talk about so-called red mercury, baseball-sized atom bombs, and Star Wars weapons systems. Yes, I have heard him talk about a great many things, and I believe that what he told me was truthful according to his knowledge of events and the documents ! he brought back from Moscow in December 2000. Even by his own statements, Vreeland, now 35, was a relatively low ranking officer and an intelligence field operative. Never in the history of covert operations has any government entrusted field operatives with total strategic knowledge because the knowledge held by those who make the plans is compartmentalized and locked away. Perhaps 80 percent of all intelligence work is disinformation, and governments know that their field operatives risk capture, interrogation and torture. Quite often field operatives are themselves fed disinformation so that if they talk, they will still spread lies that serve a larger strategic purpose. Quite often they carry documents that are deliberately inaccurate and their capture is engineered to give those documents credibility. To the U.S. government, Vreeland is totally expendable. And those who run with every piece of information he has disclosed will themselves be proven fools in a fools game. But one question remains. And it is a question that now stands vindicated by time and events. He knew something chillingly accurate about the 9-11 attacks before they happened. And if he knew something, based upon documents given to him by Russian officials indicating U.S. knowledge, and if the U.S. government went to great lengths to discredit him, rather than bring him in from the cold -- then there is real meat on the plate for journalists, the American government, and all of mankind. I have asked him 35 questions, and now you can read Mike Vreelands answers as he speaks for himself. The first 32 questions were jointly submitted to both Vreeland and his attorney, Paul Slansky, for review. The remaining three questions were asked after the most recent hacking of FTWs website, which we believe was perpetrated by the CIA. This made the publication of this story an emergency and also made a statement about the survival of a free press in America:
1. What part of the U.S. government did you work for? Was it the CIA?
I worked for U.S. Naval intelligence. What the CIA directs us to do is their business, so we have no way of knowing whether were working for them or not.
2. Was your assignment primarily connected to terrorism/oil?
Yes, on both issues, in part.
3. Why were you in Moscow and Russia in the latter part of 2000?
I was sent there by the U.S. government and the ONI [Office of Naval Intelligence]. I got my orders between Sept. 4 and Sept. 7, 2000. Marc Bastien departed for Russia on Sept. 7, 2000. I had orders to meet him. Bastien was going to work at the Canadian embassy regarding diagrams and blueprints of a weapons defense system. The U.S. government had a direct influence on his mission. The name of the defense system is SSST [Stealth Satellite System Terminator]. There are five different individual and unique defensive and strike capabilities of the system. The only portion that I have publicly spoken on is one frame regarding actual current orbiting satellites, which are not at this time owned by the US government. On advice of counsel I cannot discuss the other components. This one component is a satellite system. Within the confines of the system there are multiple, deployable space/orbital EMP [Electromagnetic Pulse] missiles that are not aimed at the ground. They are targeted at everyone elses satellites. These would kill worldwide communications. The satellites of some countries that are shielded with titanium are protected from these weapons. The protected countries are Russia and China, but U.S. satellites are vulnerable and Putin has told Bush that the U.S. missile defense system doesnt work, and that Bush knows it. The reason why I went to Russia was because I needed to meet with Bastien and another individual from the Russian Ministry of Defense named Oleg. The purpose was to get the Canadian diplomat who had made contact with Oleg to get the book of designs out of the ministrys R&D. That was done. We copied the entire book. Then we took certain documents, and we changed serious portions of the defense design so the program wouldnt work. They know this now. Additionally I was to pick up docs from other agents and bring them back.
4. You told Canadian authorities that Bastien was murdered when?
I never told them he was murdered. I wrote a letter to Bastien around June of 2000 from jail. I sent it to CSIS [Canadian Security and Intelligence Service] in Ottawa, to the director for his eyes only. I had restructured the diagram to put it back in its original state. But I never told anyone exactly how to turn it on and how to build it. CSIS already knew that Bastien was dead. He died six says after I was arrested on Dec. 6. I was discharged on Dec. 9. He was killed on Dec 12. CSIS sent RCMP [Royal Canadian Mounted Police] (Sgt. Mabe, Corporal Kispol) to visit me in jail on Aug. 8, 2001, and they advised me that he was dead. They didnt say he was murdered. They told me he was dead. I told them that is Bastien was dead, it was murder, and that they should get a toxicology report. And I would tell you how it was done, and who did it.
5. When did they finally admit that Bastien was murdered?
They admitted that I was correct in mid-January.
6. When did you first learn details of the attacks that were to happen on Sept. 11?
In the first week of December 2000.
7. How did you learn of the details?
One document was written in English by a U.S. agent, who had picked up a copy of a document that had been sent to V. Putin by K. Hussein, Saddam Husseins son. This is what the translation of the doc indicates. The Iraqis knew in June 2000 that I was coming. I didnt get my orders until August. The letter said that Bastien and Vreeland would be dealt with in a manner suitable to us. The letter specifically stated on page two, Our American official guarantees this.
8. Who put the information on the attacks into the pouch, and what would have been their motive for doing so?
I am not allowed to answer that. It would jeopardize the lives of active agents, and it would violate the National Security Act of 1947.
9. After having learned of the details of the impending attacks on the WTC and the Pentagon, how long did you wait before trying to notify Canadian and U.S. authorities of the information?
On Dec. 6, 2000 I told Canadian authorities to their face that I needed to contact the Canadian military immediately. I wrote it down. She [the Canadian official] was playing games, so I wrote down that I was a Russian spy and a weapons systems expert, and that I wanted to talk to them TODAY. I said I was a Russian because figured it would get their attention. The name they had on me was Mikhail Cristianov (Michael Christian), because I had ID that used this name.
10. What was their reaction?
The Canadians turned blue, walked away, and I never saw them again.
11. How did it make you feel?
I was pissed off. Its on video [referring to a standard jail surveillance/security video].
12. Did the U.S. and Canadian response lead you to reach any conclusions? If so, what were they?
I thought I was dealing with idiots who had no clue about what was about to happen. Its been put to me that there were certain officials who wanted the attacks to happen. No one ever had any intention of building the system I was after because it would have made the defense budget obsolete. One thing that happened after 9-11 was that the Pentagon budgets soared.
13. Your written warning contains the statement, Let one happen, stop the rest. Who was going to let one happen? Who was going to stop the rest?
I cant comment on the advice of counsel.
14. Does that statement imply that the U.S. or some other intelligence agency had achieved complete penetration of the terrorist cells?
That goes without question. Sometimes certain governments design, create networks like AlQaeda, which was really the government in Afghanistan. Those entities create specific problems at the creating governments direction.
15. Do you know who had achieved this penetration?
I cannot comment on that.
16. Is it possible that the terrorist cells were being run without knowing by whom?
17. The most common excuse people use to discredit you is that you have prior arrests on fraud charges, and there are several press stories linking you to alleged criminal activity. How do you explain this?
The American Express charges are b.s., and Amex has stated on tape that the specific charges in question were approved. They admit that there was no fraud on this card. That card had been issued to Lt. Delmart Michael Vreeland. The Amex people admitted that the card was a U.S. Navy card. People have accused me of identity theft. If anybody checked with the police departments in the U.S., they would find that there is not one police report form any individual in the U.S. who has alleged that I have stolen any identities. There is not a single identified victim anywhere. Three judges in Canada have denied my requests to have discovery and disclosure on these alleged charges. The press stories that have circulated about my past are lies. Portions of the stories alleging fraud and ID theft are lies. I have threatened to sue these papers, and the stories have been pulled. Im working with ONI. Certain government officials -- politicians, brass, and high ranking military -- have 11th Amendment privileges and cant be sued. Another government agency has to go investigate activities connected to weapons smuggling, organized crime and drug trafficking. They use their power to break laws, and were not allowed to investigate them. Thus certain parts of the U.S. government designed an entity called UID (Unofficial Intelligence Investigation Division). It was designed by Adm. Jeremy Michael Boorda, who allegedly committed suicide. Boorda put this together prior to becoming CNO [Chief of Naval ! Operations]. He was not a bad guy. Intelligence officers are sometimes put into positions where they are given assignments to infiltrate specific organizations that are powerful enough to check out a newcomers background. Page 335 of the Charter Application in Canadian Court shows a copy of orders from Southern Command. These orders are dated April 18, 2000, concerning an anti-drug operation we were mounting. At approximately the same time the media released widespread stories that I was a wanted criminal. This was a means pf providing cover and credibility for me with the people I was infiltrating.
18. How many times have you been arrested on criminal charges?
Maybe three. Some of this I did, like a DUI charge in New York. I had been at the UN, and I had definitely been drinking.
19. How many times have you been convicted?
I have never been legally convicted of any criminal, felony activity anywhere. The drunk driving charge is still pending, and I have admitted in open court that I did it.
20. The Michigan warrant for credit card fraud is based upon the use of your own credit card. How do you explain this?
It is a setup.
21. Were your credit cards authorized or facilitated by the U.S. Navy or any part of the U.S. government?
22. Could the U.S. government or any of its intelligence agencies have inserted the charges through state and local agencies?
23. You were in custody in New York on the date the alleged Michigan offense took place. What was the charge, and what was the disposition of that case?
That was the DUI charge.
24. Was working with organized crime families a part of your duties with the Navy?
25. Were any of the organized crime families in Michigan?
26. For what reason were you working with organized crime?
I was under orders to do so 90 percent of the time. Organized crime supplies the weapons and drugs that go to the people we investigate.
27. Are you afraid that you will be killed if you are extradited to the U.S.? Why?
Yes. Because I have spoken out.
28. Can you explain why the Canadian courts will not allow your attorneys to introduce evidence that verifies your position with the U.S. Navy?
Yes. The Canadians are totally subservient to U.S. intelligence interests. Theyre afraid of Uncle Sam. It would also prove that CSIS covered up Marc Bastiens death, and that there was a cover-up involving a member of a major drug organization that had planned assassinations against prominent Canadians. In fact, one individual was found dead in a vat of acid. He was a hit man.
29. What do you want?
I want my uniform back, my back pay at $4,210.90 a month and my honor. I want President Bush to give me a full and complete pardon and the amnesty of the U.S. government. I am owed that. I want Bush personally to know everything that I know, and what kind of threats there are against the U.S. Its never going to happen, so I am now seeking permanent refugee status in Canada and the protection of the United Nations.
30. What do you think will happen next in your case?
I dont know. My attorney is in court seeking a postponement of the extradition case because the Canadian government will not allow me to subpoena very important U.S. witnesses from the Pentagon and other places.
31. Is the war on terrorism about something other than what the people of the world are being told?
What war on terrorism?
32. What do you think will happen next in the war on terror?
Eventually, someones going to have to tell the truth. Once those people are dealt with according to law, there will be no more false terror spread across the globe.
33. You have recently had dealings with an American journalist named Rick Wiles. What is your opinion of Wiles and what was your experience?
My opinion of Wiles is that he is a psychopath, who will print anything that will make him money. My experience with him was that I had private conversations with him that he recorded, not telling me he was going to post them on the Internet and sell them to the world. Then once I contacted him and told him that he was not to do that, he said he would take them down right now. Instead of taking them down he placed a bigger ad. He made a bigger ad! In my opinion he is neither honorable nor professional. He has placed my story right next to a story about someone who talked to aliens 25 years ago. Yeah, thats right where I want my story to be, right next to some bozo who talks to aliens. The idiot! So now hes selling this phony exclusive interview with me for $20 and hes making all the money. He never had my permission to do that.
34. You have recently had dealings with an American journalist named J.R. Nyquist. What is you opinion of Nyquist and what was your experience?
Dont even get me started. My opinion: I think he might be working for the government. I did not know that he was writing a story about me. He asked me some questions. I answered some questions. I recorded it, and then he went off on a wild tangent about psychological crap, and I didnt even read the whole story I was so mad. He went off about the Russians, and its all bs. He sent me this fax about you saying that Ruppert was not my friend. He was saying that the Russians had me boxed in. The truth is, the American government is boxing me in. Hes full of shit.
35. Are all of these statements on-the-record?
-- As a result of the most recent hackings FTWs sales and cash flow have been interrupted while we are spending the thousands of dollars necessary to upgrade our security and Web services. FTW supporters who wish to make donations in this emergency may do so by calling 818-788-8791.
Customs officials are looking into allegations of a link between Formula One motor racing and cocaine smuggling amid accusations that Grand Prix cars may have been used to conceal drugs as they are transported around the world, the Sunday Times reported here.
Quoting mostly unidentified police detectives and customs sources, the newspaper said customs officers were tipped off by an informant from the motor-racing world 18 months ago and recently began monitoring the movement of Formula One personnel and equipment through Dover.
Formula One boss Bernie Ecclestone declined to comment, the newspaper said, but an unidentified aide of Ecclestone was quoted as saying: "He did not have any knowledge or evidence that individuals within F1 were doing anything of the sort. If he had information or evidence he would have taken it to the police."
Mr Duncan MacLaughlin, a former drugs squad detective in charge of the investigation, was quoted in the paper as saying the informers in the motor-racing world had alleged that Formula One was being used as a front for cocaine trafficking.
The newspaper said the investigation, which ended in 1997, was looking into allegations that drugs were being stashed in car parts and equipment and loaded into containers before being transported from South America to Europe. The report said MacLaughlin said Ecclestone telephoned him in November 1997 to offer full co-operation. Detectives had planned to ask former Formula One champion Nigel Mansell to help in a sting operation, the newspaper said. Mansell declined to comment to a reporter, the paper added.
The Sunday Times said a Formula One insider, who was not identified, said he had been interviewed by police investigating the claims. It also quoted another unidentified man as saying he believed he was the target of a police sting operation.
Date: September 20 1998
Source: Sunday Times (UK)
'Serpico' claims Scotland Yard elite ran drug cartel by Nicholas Rufford, Home Affairs Editor
DRUG rackets worth millions of pounds were run from inside Britain's biggest police force, according to a former Scotland Yard detective who is to publish his allegations.
The officer, dubbed "Serpico" by friends after the New York police officer who was pilloried for exposing corruption, described sections of the drug squad and the regional crime squad at Scotland Yard as the "most professional criminal cartels in Britain". He is writing a book in which he alleges that officers stole drugs, paid phantom informants and fabricated evidence.
Duncan MacLaughlin, a detective for 18 years, is believed to be the first officer to talk openly about alleged corruption within the elite squads in which he worked.
His claims are likely to give renewed urgency to the efforts by Sir Paul Condon, the Metropolitan police commissioner, to stamp out criminal activity within the force. Condon has already launched a wide-ranging inquiry into police corruption, and has set up CIB3, a special unit of the Complaints Investigation Bureau, to investigate.
MacLaughlin, 38, who admits he was not "straighter than straight", spent five years in the drug squad and five years in the London-based regional crime squad, which drew the best detectives from forces across southern England to investigate serious crime.
He described the regional squad, which he left in 1994, as like Colditz, the second world war prison. "You put all the clever ones, all the brains, in one office, and you got the cleverest scams. There were no better criminals in the country . . . I was a member of the most professional criminal cartel that Britain has ever produced."
MacLaughlin said hundreds of thousands of pounds were siphoned from police funds through the creation of phantom informants. "If we got anonymous information that there was going to be a deal involving, say, 25 kilos of coke [cocaine], straightaway you would create an imaginary informant. Then a friend would come in and sign a bit of paper and maybe receive up to £40,000 reward money."
Another practice was to sell drugs which were seized on raids. "Drugs were recycled all the time. If you found 15 kilos of coke, you produce 12 kilos and 3 would be sold. A kilo of coke you get UKP30,000 for, so you have made £90,000."
The claims are some of the most detailed made against Scotland Yard. MacLaughlin resigned in July. He was facing a discipline charge - which he denies - for allegedly removing paperwork relating to a murder investigation.
MacLaughlin does not admit to being involved in any of the crimes he alleges, though he does admit to holidaying in the Caribbean while on police assignment to trace a drug baron's assets. He said he did not feel guilty because he was not spending taxpayers' money, but cash from a Home Office reward fund. "I was no angel, I would go back to the Caribbean just when it suited me. The Met police had no idea. It just showed how incompetent they were," he said.
Roy Clark, deputy assistant commissioner of Scotland Yard, said that some of MacLaughlin's claims were false and others "wildly exaggerated". He said it was a pity that MacLaughlin was "not prepared to come forward and, if there was any truth in his suggestions, share his information with the anti-corruption squad".
Another former senior officer in the complaints bureau described MacLaughlin as an oddball who would have been sacked had he not resigned.
MacLaughlin claims that he was rebuffed when he tried to give information to Ian Quinn, the bureau's director. A Scotland Yard source dismissed the claim and said MacLaughlin had made an allegation to the bureau about the private life of a senior officer for which there was "not an iota of evidence".
A year ago, the Big Media cast out the issue of the CIA and contra crack from the realm of respectable debate. In lengthy front-page articles, The Washington Post, New York Times and Los Angeles Times deemed an investigative series by Gary Webb of the San Jose Mercury News flawed and simplistic. The papers claimed victory when Webb's editor Jerry Ceppos agreed that the original series wasn't perfect.
Now, the other shoe is falling. The inspectors general of the CIA and the Justice Department are completing investigations that will clear the CIA and the Justice Department of wrongdoing. The results of those investigations were leaked out in mid- December, but scheduled releases of the actual reports were postponed. The delays meant that the supposed findings could get major media play without any examination of the underlying facts.
According to the Justice Department, Attorney General Janet Reno requested a delay in that report's release for "law- enforcement reasons." Department officials would not specify what those reasons were, but apparently there is fear that the report contains information that might jeopardize an ongoing federal criminal case.
A broader CIA investigation into the question of Nicaraguan contra connections to the drug trade -- outside CIA control -- continues. But it is unclear how much information the spy agency will divulge, especially given the mainstream media's eagerness to put the issue to rest.
Those, like Webb, who challenged the official orthodoxy on the CIA's innocence have paid dearly. Webb was pushed into resigning his job, a purge made official with an announcement by the Mercury News on Dec. 12. Reached at his home in California, Webb said he is working on a book about his experiences.
Still, the new government reports whenever issued seem likely to pour just one more layer of cover-up on top of an already thick foundation. Over the past half century, the federal government -- and the Washington news media -- have never accepted what appears as obvious fact to many outsiders: that CIA covert actions and drug trafficking go together like horse and carriage, like hand and glove, like Tweedle-Dum and Tweedle-Dee.
You might use this article as a guide for reading between the lines of whatever official words are uttered in the new government reports and press stories that follow.
The first test will be whether the new government reports face up to the seamy history. In particular, look for any reference to two heroin-stained covert operations: in Indochina in the 1960s and '70s and in Afghanistan in the 1980s. Both were well documented by Alfred McCoy in his landmark book, The Politics of Heroin.
The second point of reference will be how the reports finesse the overwhelming evidence of Nicaraguan contra-connected cocaine trafficking. This unsavory reality was documented ad nauseam in "Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy," a 1989 Senate Foreign Relations report based on hearings chaired by Sen. John Kerry, D-Mass.
The new reports also might have some difficulty explaining past admissions by frank senior government officials. Gen. Paul F. Gorman, head of the U.S. Southern Command, acknowledged in 1984 that "substantial evidence links drugs, money and arms networks in Central America. The fact is, if you want to go into the subversion business, collect intelligence, and move arms, you deal with drug movers."
Gorman knew what he was talking about, situated as he was in Panama City, next door to Gen. Manuel Noriega, who had been recruited by CIA director William J. Casey and Lt. Col. Oliver L. North to help the contras. Noriega, of course, is now incarcerated in federal prison for drug trafficking.
While Noriega helped the contras from the south, the Honduran military and other drug-connected friends pitched in from the north. One was Juan Ramon Matta Ballesteros, whose rap sheet dates back at least to 1970 when he was arrested at Dulles Airport on drug-related charges and was sentenced to five years in prison. Matta escaped before spending a year behind bars.
By 1975, Matta had linked Mexican and Colombian traffickers, giving a major boost to the fledgling cocaine industry. Three years later, Matta financed a coup d'etat by the military in his native Honduras, a putsch that transformed the banana republic into a transit point for northbound white powder.
By 1983, Matta had been identified in a U.S. Customs report as a Class I DEA violator. He also was linked by the DEA to an airline with the acronym, SETCO, that was run by "American businessmen dealing with Matta [and] smuggling narcotics into the United States."
Despite such lineage, SETCO was hired as "the principal company used by the contras in Honduras to transport supplies and personnel ... from 1983 to 1985," according to the Senate Foreign Relations report. Then, despite Matta's tie to the 1985 murder of star DEA agent Enrique Camarena in Guadalajara, Mexico, the State Department in 1986 renewed SETCO's contract to supply the contras.
Matta is now serving dual life sentences for murder and narcotics trafficking. You might look his name up in the indexes to the new government contra-cocaine reports. [For more details from a non-government source, see Cocaine Politics by Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall.]
Another name worth checking out is that of Syrian-born Manzer Al-Kassar, who boasts a similar drug resume -- and a relationship with the U.S. government.
Reader's Digest reported in 1986 that Al-Kassar had supplied arms and explosives "for terrorist operations in France, Spain and Holland" and sold "silencer-equipped assassination pistols, rockets and other weapons" to Libya, Iran, South Yemen and Lebanon." The article also linked Al-Kassar to heroin deals involving up to 100 kilos (220 pounds). Two years earlier, the DEA had classified Al-Kassar as a major drug trafficker.
Yet, when the Reagan administration's Iran-contra operations were exposed in 1986, the ledgers of Oliver North's "Enterprise" revealed that it had paid $1.5 million for contra arms shipments to the same Manzer Al-Kassar. See how that is explained.
Then, there's the more recent case of former Venezuelan Gen. Ramon Guillen Davila. A year ago, Guillen was indicted on charges of shipping up to 22 tons of cocaine to the United States between 1987 and 1991. According to the Miami Herald, Guillen was the CIA's most trusted man in Venezuela and the senior official collaborating with the CIA on narcotics control.
Guillen claims the CIA knew all along what he was doing. To date he has successfully resisted extradition, but an accomplice, Adolfo Romero Gomez, was convicted in Miami last October on cocaine trafficking charges. A key witness testified that he overheard Romero and Guillen discussing deals with the Cali cartel.
You might check, too, to see how the new reports deal with DEA agents who tried to blow the whistle during the 1980s. Just as the contra-connected drug trade was heating up, the Reagan administration closed the DEA office in Honduras. But from Guatemala City, DEA agent Celerino Castillo III began investigating reports of illegal drug activity at the Ilopango air base in El Salvador, the home of North's contra resupply operation.
As Castillo describes in his autobiography, Powder Burns, his reports on the drug trafficking of contra suppliers were initially ignored. Later, they were criticized for grammatical errors. Then, he was told to stay away from El Salvador and threatened with charges of improper conduct. Finally, after receiving threats against his family, he quit.
Another curiosity -- given the CIA's 50 years of covert activities, often side by side with drug traffickers -- is the absence of a single publicly known criminal charge against a CIA officer for succumbing to the temptation to accept a bribe or to abuse the job's secrecy by aiding and abetting a drug shipment.
Perhaps, the new government reports -- whenever the American citizenry is allowed to peruse them -- will explain how the CIA found and recruited individuals of such exemplary character.
Copyright (c) 1998
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University of California Press.
DCI Gates ordered DeTrani of Public Affairs to explore openness (for a public relations campaign). DeTrani said the CIA had a wide range of contacts with academics through recruiting, professional societies, and contractual agreements which could be expanded. CIA should sponsor more academic conferences and bring scholars to Langley and expand the officer-in-residence program which then had 13 CIA officers at universities. He recommended expanding CIA work with the media. He wanted CIA to declassify certain files to put the CIA in more positive light. By assisting journalists, "intelligence failure" stories could be turned into "intelligence success," stories -- and boasted of past successes -- "In many instances, we have persuaded reporters to postpone, change, hold, or even scrap stories..." He recommended helping friendly Hollywood directors by allowing them to shoot movies at Langley. He wanted to cooperate with feature writers. Other propaganda could be aimed directly at the public via unclassified versions of the Agency's Studies In Intelligence and CIA officers could step up the number of their speeches - a CIA speakers bureau was established in 1990. DeTrani wanted the CIA to try to better manipulate Congress. Gates accepted the suggestion to persuade friendly journalists to write profiles of CIA officers. Gates assigned more TV time for himself. Gates approved propagandizing the general public through press releases detailing the CIA's history, mission and functions in the new world order. He encouraged setting up intelligence studies programs on campuses and finding universities to publish CIA-subsidized articles. pp. 185-188.
CIA organized the Unauthorized Disclosures Analysis Center (UDAC) to monitor the news media and to stop leaks. Commanded by Dell Bragan, UDAC was staffed by full-time intelligence officers. CIA officers around the nation were tasked to by UDAC to keep track of reporters who obtained news stories through leaks. Mark Mansfield said UDAC was the coordinating center to combat disclosures. In addition to UDAC, CIA had an even more secretive unit that investigates leaks, performs damage assessments, and investigates journalists. Located in the Office of Security and called the Special Security Office, the unit reports to UDAC. Journalists were analyzed by how many unauthorized disclosures they printed a year -- columnist Jack Anderson, Washington Post reporter Bob Woodward and Bill Gertz were often at the top of the list. pp. 178-180.
VP Bush chaired a cabinet-level Task Force on Combating Terrorism. He used terrorism as justification for domestic spying against groups lobbying Congress to ban Contra funding. This when statistics showed domestic terrorist incidents declining rapidly. But the 34-page "Public Report of the Vice President's Task Force on Combating Terrorism of 1986 ," urged Intel agencies involve themselves in "conventional human and technical intelligence capabilities that penetrate terrorist groups and their support systems." This when the FBI said domestic terrorism was virtually nonexistent. Following directions, FBI conducted 8,450 domestic terrorism investigations in 86, even though they reported only 17 actual terrorist incidents that year. The FBI was conducting political spying under the terrorism label. pp. 147-151.
Richard Helms cautioned Ober, head of the MHCHAOS program, re the doubtful legality of MHCHAOS, to describe the operation within the CIA and the intelligence community as an operation against international terrorism. but the illegal domestic operation, MHCHAOS targeted radical youths, blacks, women and antiwar militants. "international terrorist" was designated to replace "political dissident" as the justification for illegal domestic operations. helms transferred the MHCHAOS operation to the international terrorism group. "let's call domestic spying a response to terrorism." pp. 46-49
Melvin Goodwin, former CIA Division Chief in Soviet foreign policy was a witness at the confirmation hearings for Robert Gates to be DCI. Goodwin testified that Gates had, over a period of years as Deputy Director of CIA, had given Congress and the president misleading and politicized intelligence. "Gates role was to corrupt the process and the ethics of intelligence...[and] to ignore and suppress signs of Soviet strategic retreat." p. 183.
Nicaragua, El Salvador, 1981-90
The House intelligence Committee knew that the Sandinistas were not shipping arms to Communist guerrillas in El Salvador, as claimed by Reagan, "But we were unable to respond to the President's assertions because this information was classified," per Congressman Lee Hamilton, later. Senator Moynihan said "I knew the President's claim could not be substantiated, but I knew this from classified briefings which a chairman or vice chairman of suck a committee is sworn not to discuss in public." He said secrecy: "effect is to hide things from the American people that they need to know." pp. 172-3.
An eleven-year CIA career officer, Thomas R. Smeeton, had become minority counsel to the House Intel Committee -- beginning in 1990, Smeeton made repeated attempts to convince members of Congress to take oaths to uphold executive secrecy classifications. He devised an oath which gave CIA yet another hold over congressional oversight. pp. 173-4.
An annotated list of some FBI Surveillance Targets during the 1980s is given in the appendix. pp. 203-207.
A photograph of CIA agent Salvatore John Ferrera when he was infiltrating the "Quicksilver Times and other news organizations in Illinois and California. He legally changed his name to Allen Vincent Carter and fled to the Southern California suburb of Costa Mesa. In 1980, Angus Mackenzie confronted him at his hideout -- and he denied he worked for CIA. Angus showed him copies of the informant reports he had sent to CIA Hqs -- he slammed the door. passim.
Censoring books, particularly Marchetti's pre-publication review. Marchetti named Jack O'Connell as the control agent for King Hussein of Jordan. Karamessines warned against making public the existence of electronic collection devices in India aimed at Chinese and Russian weapons systems, CIA financial assistance to Tom Mboya and Jomo Kenyatta in Kenya. the ruling by judge Bryan re reviews effectively nullified the first amendment rights of government workers who sign secrecy agreements. CIA's attempt to halt the publication of Alfred Mccoy's book, THE POLITICS OF HEROIN IN SOUTHEAST ASIA. pp. 42-49, 52-55
Thomas H. Karamessines in 1967 started an operation to handle the antiwar press. On 8/4/67 a telegram re the new special operations group (SOG) in the counterintel section. Angleton appointed Dick Ober to coordinate SOG and expand his Ramparts investigation to encompass the entire underground press -- some 500 newspapers. SOG was designated as MHCHAOS. CIA assigned domestic political espionage the highest level of priority. SOG ops grew to sixty field agents as well as other CIA compartments. Due to the large number of reports generated computers were used for the first time to handle the traffic. CIA coordinated efforts with army agents, the local police and the FBI. Penetration of antiwar periodicals (his primary mission). john ferrera a student was recruited to penetrate various antiwar media. details of Ferrera's successes. the FBI used its agents to create dissension within protest groups. Ober had relied on the CIA's domestic contract service (DCS) but was experiencing resistance. pp. 26-41
Michael Wood with the national student association, learned that it was funded by CIA. details of the program. IRS gave copies of Ramparts tax returns to Dick Ober of the CIA's investigative unit. CIA planted stories in the media to discredit Ramparts. pp. 18-24
Stanely K. Sheinbaum was the first person to go public with his experience of CIA activity in the U.S. he began with the CIA in the 50s when hired by Michigan state u.'s $25 million project to advise the South Vietnamese government. he resented use of academic cover by CIA. he resigned in 1959. he with Robert Sheer wrote an article in Ramparts magazine. The CIA began to investigate Ramparts in violation of its charter. His article caused a storm of protest among academicians -- to forestall further embarrassment, president Johnson established the Katzenbach committee. CIA identified the source of Rampart's money and urged the FBI to investigate. pp. 15-18
Washington Post 12/27/97 A1
Colombia, 1997 The U.S., fearful that Marxist guerrillas allied with drug traffickers pose a growing threat to Colombia, is loosening restrictions on aid to Colombian armed forces, withheld for years because of the military's human rights record. A unique agreement worked out last summer -- and heavily debated -- permits U.S. aid, expected to total about $37 million in fiscal 1998, to be used by the Colombian military for counterinsurgency as part of a larger program to fight drugs. The aid can be used only in a specifically defined geographic area called "the box," whose exact boundaries are classified but which covers roughly the southern half of the country. Critics say the move brings the U.S. closer to a vicious, multi-sided political conflict that is decades old and has cost thousands of lives. the Colombian army and right-wing paramilitary groups it sponsors have been implicated in scores of civilian massacres, disappearances and cases of torture. Leaders of the army-backed PM groups have been implicated in large-scale drug trafficking, yet have not been singled out as targets of the anti-drug efforts.. .
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"The CIA's Directorate of Operations is in a state of deep rot." Former DCI John Deutch.
The Directorate of Operations is, a "wasteland, a Mecca for know-nothing men..." Former CIA Officer Reuel Gerecht, pen name, Edward Shirley.
U.S. intelligence "needs to be scrubbed" from the top down, from its spies to its analysts to its "bureaucratic barons." Admiral Jeremiah's 1998 report.
The New York Times recently reported that Tenet has the CIA recruiting aggressively -- two or three thousand in the next few years. He says he must do this or risk the slow death of American intelligence. He hopes to make the clandestine service bigger than it was at the height of the Cold War, to open more overseas stations and bases, to mount more complex and more expensive secret operations. And he wants the nation's sharpest talents to come to work at CIA Headquarters as analysts, information technicians and in-house experts. He aims to revitalize an agency mired in a slough of despond-terrible publicity, terrible morale, terrible credibility.
Congress plans to pump hundreds of millions of extra dollars into the Agency over the next few years to get new blood flowing. Tenet rates the hiring blitz as the most important internal affair on the Agency's agenda for the rest of the century.
I suggest that the CIA's most important internal affair is cleaning out the Directorate of Operations Augean Stables -- its poor, incompetent and arrogant leaders. Even if those leaders were capable of recognizing their deficiencies, they do not have the ability to devise solutions.
Next the CIA must alter its personnel procedures that have resulted in rewarding incompetence and duplicity -- see a description of these in Edward Shirley's book, "Know Thine Enemy" or view his comments on my web page.
Another set of problems occurs with the CIA's Inspector General who tosses all protests back to the complainants' bosses. A prescription for disaster.
One issue that has plagued me since my time in the CIA is the complete inability of its operations officers to analyze. This has defeated intelligence collection in many ways. First the case officers cannot evaluate their agents. This is manifest -- Cuba's DGI ran three dozen agents the CIA thought was working for it. East Germany's Stasi had probably a few hundred double agents supposedly working for CIA, and the KGB's double agents convinced the CIA that the USSR was a viable, threatening menace when everyone else recognized its collapse.
These egregious realities have somehow avoided Tenet's notice as he happily builds atop its rotting foundations.
One reason (of a number of reasons) the DGI, Stasi and the KGB were able to dupe the CIA is that the operations officers had no incentive to, nor measuring ability, to question agent reporting.
There is also the problem that if a case officer questions his own agents' reporting, he then is questioning his own (the case officer's) promotability. The Operations Directorate promotes based on the number of agent recruitments -- the results be damned or ignored or never reviewed.
Since case officers are recruited for their rigid mentalities (those with flexible mentalities might question orders) and since Tenet uses the same personality qualifications for the new officers, he is recruiting disaster.
The CIA is hiring all sorts of new analysts but until it gets analysts directly involved in all phases of operations -- we can guarantee failure.
I must briefly cite my own personal experience at the risk of immodesty. The CIA in mid-1960s targeted me against the burgeoning insurgency in Thailand. (For a more complete description see my book, Deadly Deceits). Within about six months, using analysis and operations, I discovered what the Thai Communist Party was doing and how to defeat it -- a problem that had plagued the CIA for decades. I am not that good, it is just that the rest of the CIA's officers were that bad.
Next I asked to go to Vietnam because I wanted to defeat the communists there. With a little research and operations I quickly determined that the United States could not win in Vietnam and that the Agency had absolutely no idea what was happening in that country. An ignorance that continues to this day. My conclusions and protests landed me in the Agency's very vengeful doghouse.
So if Tenet has any sort of analytical ability himself he can see that he must first clean up the stables before trying to build anew.
A number of critics claim that I am far too soft on the CIA. I have in recent times changed my views to some extent. With the advent of international terrorism we need the best possible intelligence service to fight that terrifying menace. Instead we have the ignorant, arrogant and incompetent CIA.
We must recognize that the United States will always have an intelligence agency. It is my hope, therefore, that the CIA can change enough to become a real intelligence agency, if not it should be abolished or replaced by a new structure.
Jim Jones massacre http://www.conspire.com/jones.html
The OneList moderator is Daniel Hopsicker who is a former CNBC TV producer who is writing a book right now about Barry Seal, the most successful cocaine trafficker in American history. Hopsicker has discovered the Rosetta Stone of US crime. Barry Seal and Lee Harvey Oswald were recruited into the CIA by David Ferrie, an agent made famous by the Oliver Stone movie, JFK. If you participate in this list of about 200 journalists you will have your finger on the pulse of the major things going on in this country. http://www.dcia.temple.html http://www.dcia.temple.html
NOT the CIA: http://www.dcia.com/mission.html
The Congress for Cultural Freedom (CCF), a CIA western culture manipulation programme - with pictures http://www.odci.gov/csi/studies/95unclas/war.html
General declassified articles http://www.odci.gov/csi/studies/pubs.html
Useful source of critical of CIA information http://www.us.net/cip/cia.htm
http://intellit.muskingum.edu/intellsite/index.html (Ransom Clark)
http://www.access.gpo.gov/int/report.html (Aspin / Brown)
http://www.carnegie.org/deadly/0697warning.htm (warning, 1997)
http://www.fas.org/irp/congress/1998_cr/s980731-rumsfeld.htm (Rumsfeld, 98)
http://www.seas.gwu.edu/nsarchive/news/19980222.htm (Bay Pigs)
http://www.fas.org/irp/cia/product/jeremiah.html (Jeremiah 98)
CIA, Center for Study of Intelligence http://www.odci.gov/csi/
http://www.us.net/cip/cia.htm (Mel Goodman)
http://www.mi5.gov.uk/ (UK, MI-5)
http://www.gchq.gov.uk/ (UK, GCHQ)
http://www.csis-scrs.gc.ca/ (Canada, CSIS)
http://www.awgnet.com/aviation/index.htm (Aviation Week)
http://www.aochq.org/ (Old Crows)
http://www.opsec.org/ (OPSEC pros)
http://www.cloakanddagger.com/dagger (Cloak & Dagger Books)
http://intelligence-history.wiso.uni-erlangen.de/ (history grp, German)
http://www.covertcomic.com/CovertComicJokes.htm (CIA jokester)
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